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The Cheka: Lenin's Political Police;Some Jewish “Racial Solidarity” in Communism. Overabundance of Jewish Leadership in Communism Could Actually Have Been Greater

jan peczkis|Wednesday, July 19, 2017

This scholarly work presents a variety of interesting information. I focus on a few pertinent topics.

DZIERZHINSKY (DZIERZYNSKI) IS CAPTIVATED BY THE INFLUENCE OF JEWISH REVOLUTIONARIES

Some commentators have described Dzierzhinsky as a Judaized Pole. How accurate is this?

Leggett describes how Dzerzhinsky grew up in Vilna [Wilno, Vilnius], which he describes as a cosmopolitan city with a strong Jewish element and a focal point of socialist ferment in Tsarist Russia. (p. 34). He adds that, “Dzerzhinsky came under the influence of Martov, future leader of the Menshevik Party, by whom he was introduced into Jewish circles, both proletarian and of the intelligentsia; he made many Jewish friends and zealously learned Yiddish. The Bund—Jewish social democratic workers’ organization in Lithuania, Poland, and Russia, founded in 1897—helped Dzerzhinsky in his political activity, for instance in late 1899. Dzerzhinsky’s close friend and schoolmate in Vilna was Mikhail Goldman…” (pp. 24-25).


 

The strong Jewish influence very much extended to Dzerzhinsky’s personal life. Leggett continues, “Goldman’s sister, Julia, was for several years Dzerzhinsky’s romantic love…formed a deeply romantic attachment, lasting from 1905 to early 1910, for another Jewish woman, Sabina Feinstein, sister of a prominent SDKPiL member. Very soon afterwards, in November 1910, Dzerzhinsky married Sofia Sigizmundovna nee Mushkat, who was likewise Jewish…” (p. 25).

As if to underscore the fact that Jewish influence in Communism is much greater than just the "grocery list" of Jewish Communists, Leggett writes of "Rosa Luxemburg [Luksemburg], celebrated for her intellectual brilliance and her political passion." (p. 24). So intoxicated had "Bloody Feliks" ("KRWAWE FELEK") Dzierzinski become of Luksemburg's ideas that he actually clashed with Lenin on the resurrection of the Polish state. Only that it was the non-Pole Lenin supporting the restoration of the Polish nation and renegade-Pole Dzerzhinsky opposing it, in accordance with Luxemburg. (pp. 23-24).

THE MYTH OF “PEOPLE TURNED TO COMMUNISM BECAUSE OF DESTITUTION AND OPPRESSION”

Leggett points out that, far from coming from environments of desperation and poverty, at least 12 of the top 20 Chekists belonged to the bourgeoisie—primarily the bourgeoisie-intelligentsia. The fact that so many leading Communists did not come from the working class forced Lenin to conclude that political consciousness does not arise spontaneously within the proletariat, and so “‘can be brought to the workers only from outside.’” (p. 257).

COMMUNISM AS A “FOREIGN” ELEMENT IN RUSSIA: THE PRE-EMINENCE OF JEWS

In discussing the leaders of the dreaded Cheka, the author comments, “It appears that not more than seven of these twenty Chekists were of pure Great Russian ethnic origin…” (p. 257). The top twenty Chekist leaders were of diverse nationalities, but, of the non-Russians, the single most common background of the 20 leading Chekists was Jewish—5 of them. (pp. 257-259). On the other hand, most of the rank-and-file of the Cheka was of proletarian origin—often young and uneducated. (p. 262). The distinction between ranks corresponded to that of the later U. B. (Bezpieka) in Soviet-ruled Poland (1944-on)—the ZYDOKOMUNA and the CHAMOKOMUNA.

Of course, the Jewish overrepresentation in Communism was much more evident at its higher levels. Leggett quips, “We have already discussed the remarkable racial mix of the top twenty Chekists, a diversity which also characterized the leadership of the Russian socialist parties, though THE PRONOUNCED JEWISH ELEMENT EVIDENT AT THE APEX OF THE BOLSHEVIK PARTY (Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Krestinskii, Sverdlov, Sokolnikov, etc.), and, EVEN MORE OF THE MENSHEVIK PARTY (Martov, Liber, Dan, Abramovich, etc.) AND THE SOCIALIST REVOLUTIONARY PARTY (Gotz, Gershuni, Kamkov, Natanson, Steinberg, etc.), was perhaps not quite so manifest at the Vecheka summit.” (p. 262; Emphasis added).

JEWISH-COMMUNIST OVERABUNDANCE COULD HAVE BEEN EVEN GREATER. DID JEWISH COMMUNISTS ACT IN “RACIAL SOLIDARITY” WITH OTHER JEWS?

Consider the following situation, “A striking imbalance manifested itself particularly in the Ukraine, where in early 1919 the Chekas contained an extraordinary high proportion of Jews: 75 percent of the personnel of the Kiev Cheka [CZEKA], and seven of its ten collegium members, were Jews.” (p. 262). [The dominance of Jews in the Cheka in Ukraine, from the very beginning, and later in the NKVD during the Holodomor, drove many Ukrainians to see Jews as their direct oppressors, and for some Ukrainians to retaliate by collaborating with the Nazis in the enactment of the Holocaust.]

It is sometimes argued that Jewish Communists were oblivious to the backgrounds of their victims, and that they equally persecuted non-Jews and Jews. Not quite. Leggett writes, “On 1 May 1919, i. e. shortly after Trotsky’s Politburo protest, the Kiev Cheka (and doubtless other Chekas) received an order prohibiting (or, more probably, limiting) the appointment of Jews to top Cheka posts and requiring, FOR PROPAGANDA REASONS, the token execution of Jews—previously only one Jew had been executed by the Kiev Cheka.” (p. 413, Emphasis added.)

Take a closer look at the statements above. We can clearly see that the overabundance of Jews in leading positions in the Cheka [CZEKA] could actually have been GREATER. The constraints were tactical in nature, and not the willingness of Jews to serve.
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