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The World Significance of the Russian Revolution

jan peczkis|Monday, May 7, 2012

Although Communism is supposed to be a worker's movement [Review based on the original 1920 edition], the active local Communists up to the time of the Russian Revolution contained a relatively small contingent of peasants and proletariat (factory workers). Russia's Communists consisted mostly of decadent specimens of the upper classes, and young peasants who had lost their livelihoods, but had been educated at universities thanks to the liberalism of Alexander II. (p. 7).

       

The author believes that Lenin and his small very-disproportionately Jewish cadre was able to seize power in Russia because Communist propaganda, appealing to acquisitive and covetous instincts (p. 37), had fooled the masses, and the Communists had full control before the peoples realized that they had been duped. (pp. 4-5). The Communists used long pre-planned unlimited terror (pp. 29-30) to achieve their goals and solidify their rule, and this was very reminiscent of the Jacobins of the French Revolution. (p. 30).

It is obvious that peasant resistance to collective farming had long preceded the famed 1930's kulaks. In fact, the Soviet peasants, immediately after 1917, resented the fact that their land was subject to confiscation. To counter this, the Bolsheviks organized committees of the "poorest peasants", which included the waster [wastrel] and the criminal dregs of the villages. These were given power over their more industrious and thrifty neighbors. (p. 38).

This book does not mention the Polish-Bolshevik War (1920), as it evidently appeared in print just before its occurrence. Pitt-Rivers alludes to the fact that, contrary to Communist apologists and Polonophobes, the Soviets were the aggressors in this war-to-be. He comments: "There is something exquisitely humorous in the `Hands off Russia' cry in the face of Lenin's declaration of war against the civilized world. We may, it is true, profess to have no further concern in the affairs of Russia, but Lenin and his international Jewish satellites have no intention of relying in the same lofty spirit `Hands off Western Europe.' On the contrary, they announced with exultant effrontery their intention of making predatory onslaughts upon Poland, Persia and India." (p. 3).

On another subject, the author believes that the abundance of Jews in Russia [of course, also earlier and later when these territories were part of Poland] had been facilitated by peasantry's [initial] economic illiteracy, allowing Jews to freely exercise their "usurer instinct" and to fill the niche of the middle class. In time, the Russian peasant's resentment at being exploited by the Jewish overclass, and the government's real or perceived laxness in keeping Jews in check, led to hatred of Jews and to pogroms. (p. 7, 20). [A similar situation existed among Poles.]

Three possible explanations (of course, not mutually exclusive) for Jewish support of Communism are: 1) A response to oppression, 2) A malevolent drive for greater power and influence, and 3) Misguided idealism. This work entertains all three.

In the Preface, Dr. Oscar Levy, a Jew, defends the overall validity of the author's reasoning, contending that Pitt-Rivers is an enlightened critic of Jewish conduct, and not a vulgar anti-Semite. (p. viii). Pitt-Rivers, for his part, realizes that most Jews are anti-Communist (p. 39), that the oppressive conditions faced by Jews is a factor in their disproportionate support for Communism (p. 19, 20), and that Communism itself is not a Jewish movement. (p. 20).

However, the reality of the Zydokomuna (Bolshevized Judaism) is unmistakable. Apart from international Jewish support and the overabundance of Jewish Communists, the "Jewish Bund" had been a formidable factor in Russia. (p. 20). In addition, the following situation after the Russian Revolution is instructive: "The commissaries [commissars], mainly Jews, have perfected an organization by which the `convinced' Communists are secretly distributed among the staffs and rank and file of the Army, and throughout the Soviet governmental and administrative machinery, on a plan analogous to secret masonic organizations." (p. 9).

What about the apparent paradox of internationally influential Jewish capitalists supporting Communism? Pitt-Rivers answers: "It was Weininger, a Jew--and also a Jew hater--who explained why so many Jews are naturally Communists. Communism is not only an International creed, but it implies the abnegation of real property, especially property in land, and Jews, being international, have never acquired a taste for real property; they prefer money. Money is an instrument of power...Thus the same motives prompt the Jew Communist and his apparent enemy, the financial Jew." (p. 41).

Oscar Levy suggests that revolutionary Jews are motivated by misguided idealism, not malevolence. (p. viii). Commensurate with this, Pitt-Rivers thinks that Jews sometimes bring about events that they end up disapproving. This happened once again when religious Jews came to regret their earlier support for Communism once they saw the unbridled power of Jewish atheists in the USSR. (p. 39). Comment Comment | Permalink
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