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Poland, 1944-1962: The Sovietization of a Captive People

Jan Paczkis|Friday, October 30, 2009

5.0 out of 5 stars Insights into the Communization of Poland and Its Counterparts Today, September 19, 2009 Support for Communism, as by a disproportionate fraction of Jews, is commonly attributed to poverty and injustice. This is incorrect. Staar comments: "The popular appeal of Communism in Poland has been rather ineffective. This was always true, even in the early 1930's when the unemployment and low standard of living theoretically should have provided a fertile field for the development and mass acceptance of Communism." (p. 7).

The Communists in Poland developed the para-military SP (Sluzba Polsce) that was modeled after Arbeitdienst in Nazi Germany. Membership was compulsory. It existed not so much to perform unpaid work and to train youth as it did to admittedly indoctrinate youth in Communist ways. (pp. 221-222). The perceptive reader can see the parallels with the neo-Marxist Obama Administration and its desire for a one-day-mandatory American youth organization or police force accountable to him.
There are many tables of facts and figures in this book. For instance, the Polish Communist Party had 4,000 members in July 1942, 8,000 in January 1943, 20,000 in July 1944, 30,000 in January 1945, and a precipitously-increased 300,000 in April 1945. (p. 167).

The sham elections of 1947 that "legally" brought the Communists to power depended upon several layers of deception, fraud, and terror. Hundreds of thousands of potential anti-Communists were arrested, and thousands were murdered. (p. 52-on). A fake peasant party was added to the ballot in order to confuse the voters. Party officials parsed the votes.

This book is more than a history of the first eighteen years of the Soviet-imposed Communist puppet state. It also provides details which have a disturbing similarity to non-Communist events going on today. For instance, open voting en mass was encouraged by the Communists in order to intimidate opponents (p. 55), and a similar Obama-backed measure now functions in the US for voting on forming a labor union. The events leading up to the 1946 referendum included a smear campaign against the non-Communist PSL (Peasant Party). Fake documents were created to "prove" that it was pro-Nazi and that its members had earlier collaborated with the Nazis. (p. 47). (This is reminiscent of the leftist-secularist smear campaign against RADIO MARYJA in contemporary Poland, and against conservative Christians (the much-demonized religious right) in the US.)

Leftists have always used assertions of historical inevitability to try to intimidate their opponents. Khrushchev was well-known for his we-will-bury-you statement, which ostensibly referred to economic progress, not military victory. In like manner, Wladyslaw Gomulka contended that, within 10-15 years [of 1960], the socialist (Communist) states will overtake the capitalist states economically. (p. 65). (Today, some homosexual groups argue that gay marriage is not only an inevitability, but that, 50 years from now, no one will even be questioning it.)

The chapter on the Church discusses the direct persecution and indirect measures it faced from the Communist authorities. The Communists slyly tried to enlist "progressive" Catholics, who supported the following premise: "Religion is becoming a purely private matter. In the whole collective field of the modern world, it is not Christ and the Church but Marx and socialism that have a voice..." (p. 262). The perceptive reader can immediately recognize similar modern leftist-secular attempts that--too sophisticated to usually attack religion frontally--instead try to silence it, marginalize it, drive it out of public life, and relegate it to the private sphere. (All by such things as "separation of church and state" and "sensitivity to minority religions" slogans). American organizations such as the ACLU, and comparable forces working for the atheization of modern Poland, come to mind. The cultivation of "progressive Catholics", and other members of the never-so-named religious left, recounts a similar effort today by US President Obama to reduce the impact of conventional Catholic moral teachings in the US.

The Communists in Poland developed the para-military SP (Sluzba Polsce) that was modeled after Arbeitdienst in Nazi Germany. Membership was compulsory. It existed not so much to perform unpaid work and to train youth as it did to admittedly indoctrinate youth in Communist ways. (pp. 221-222). The perceptive reader can see the parallels with the neo-Marxist Obama Administration and its desire for a one-day-mandatory American youth organization or police force accountable to him.
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