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Aims andFailures of the German “New Order”

jan peczkis|Sunday, August 18, 2013

German thinking in general and Nazi ideology inparticular, painted the Germans as bearers of civilization to the "primitive"Slavs. Wieniewicz, on the other hand, points out that the Slavs originallyinhabited the territories east of the Elbe, and even then had a highagricultural culture, advanced moral standards, and a peaceful attitude towardstheir neighbors

Early German aggression, the first part of DRANGNACH OSTEN, advanced German rule from the Elbe (Laba) to the Oder (Odra). Evenas late as the 19th century, the Serbo-Lusatian tongue was still spoken. (p.4).

However, continued German colonization andconquest, east of the Oder, collided with Polish resistance. Henceforth, for atime, the Germans came more as colonists than as conquerors. Even then, ratherthan as "bearers of civilization", they came as refugees from thepolicies of German margraves, princely caprice, etc. Winiewicz thus quotesGerman scholar Herman Aubin (quote) Poland gave to these eastward wanderers notonly land, not only security for the law of property and freedom from feudalexactions, but frequently also the opportunity for forming self-governingassociations, whether municipal or religious. (unquote)(p. 8).

The bitter conflicts between the Germanmargraves led to fratricide between the many mini-states in what only muchlater would become the nation of Germany. The Thirty Years War highlightedthese conflicts. All this time, Poland was welcoming refugees from Germany.Some of these became Polonized, while others sought to live according toseparatism, and to obtain and hold on to privileges. (pp. 10-11). [The latter,of course, also applied to the Jews.] In time, the separatist-oriented Germanscommonly became actively anti-Polish, especially owing to the influences ofFichte, Hegel, Bismarck, Wilhelm II, and of course Hitler. (p. 11).

Later German claims to Polish lands came to bebased on VOLKSBODEN--the notion that German cultural and technologicalinfluences are predominant even where there are few or no Germans. (p. 50).Wieniewicz points out the REDUCTIO AD ABSURDUM of German VOLKSBODEN: It wouldmean that the German Hansa in London, parts of the United States, etc., arerightfully part of Germany. (p. 9, 50). Furthermore, Wieniewicz argues thatGerman presence and influence in Poland before the 19th century, thoughcertainly real (p. 50), never amounted to a considerable number of Germans, andnever changed the Polish character of the places where Germans lived. (p. 11).

A leading German political scientist, KonstantinFrantz, recognized the fundamentally criminal nature of the Partitions ofPoland, as he wrote, (quote) ...During the period of the First Partition thepartitioners were still casting about for a legal justification, but with theSecond and Third they had made no attempt to hide the policy of naked force.They over-rode all the laws of nations and criminally destroyed the work ofmany centuries of Polish history. (unquote)(p. 12).

The successful struggle of the Poles, based onorganic work, against the German pressures of the late 19th century, inPrussian-occupied Poland, were recognized by a number of quoted German researchers.One of these, a young Nazi named Fritz Prause, wrote the following (entireparagraph is a direct quote from his thesis):

The devoted national consolidation of the Polesin Poznania and in Pomorze did not fall into their laps like ripe fruit off atree, but it was achieved only as the outcome of an immutable faith in theirown strength, as well as by the nature of this effort. So we mention here onlythe outstanding facts of the Polish resistance: The strengthening of peasantsettlement, the leveling of social classes, the creation of a middle class oftownsmen, the building up of widely diffused co-operative associations, bothsocial and productive, the admission of the new classes to a share in politicalcontrol, the summoning of all Poles into the ranks of anti-German propagandistbodies always ready to strike--the creation, in short, of a new Polishtype...by these means the Poles won an increase of more than 100,000 hectaresin their agricultural holdings up to the year 1913. They built up for themselvesa skilled and well-drilled school of intelligentsia (clergy, lawyers, doctors,financial and economic experts.) They created for themselves a hard-working andthrifty peasant class which did not resort to alcohol, but remained on the landas community which as full of a fanatical decision to defend every possiblemeans its land and its rights. (unquote)(p. 25).

Considering the common derogatory Germanattitudes (e. g, "Slavic fatalism" and POLNISCHE WIRTSCHAFT), theforegoing quote is especially instructive.

During the 19th century, many Poles moved to thenewly-industrialized Ruhr. Winiewicz cites a German newspaper that estimatedthat, before 1914, 250,000 Poles lived in the Ruhr. (p. 80).

Now back to WWII. The Germans ran into practicaldifficulties in their attempts to classify peoples as German and non-German.They dealt with such concepts as DEUTSCHSTAMMIG (of German stock) andDEUTSCHBLUTIG (of German blood). German colonization was driven by BLUT UNDBODEN, as exemplified by the 1929-1930 works of Darre. (p. 90).

The author discusses the VOLKSLISTE. Forexample, this enabled the Germans to force multitudes of Poles to serve in theWehrmacht. (p. 87, 112-113). In fact, Winiewicz quotes a Polish source thatestimated that, up to October 1942, nearly 120,000 Poles, from Silesia alone,had been forced to serve in the German Army. (p. 113).

Although the Germans had to give up theirattempts to expel all the Poles of the Reich-annexed territories, owing towartime reverses and the need for Polish forced labor, they merely deferred theplan until after they won the war. (p. 63).

Winiewicz quotes some German policy statementsregarding Poles and Jews, and it is obvious that these overlapped considerably.For instance, neither Poles nor Jews were allowed to object to the sentence ofa German judge, to be put on oath as witnesses, or to take civil action. (pp.92-93). Interestingly, even before WWII, Poles at universities in Nazi Germanywere issued the same yellow-colored identification cards as were Jews. (p. 78).

The author does not use the word genocide, asthis term was coined later (by Lemkin). However, he notes that the deportationsof Poles for forced labor were not intended only for the work itself. They alsowere designed to place Poles in purely German districts so that, combined withexcessive work, they would become exhausted and denationalized. (p. 68).However, he does not mention the fact that this policy was also designed toreduce the birth rate of Poles of prime childbearing age. Direct German attackson the biology of Poles (in the form of passive genocide) also includedphysical overwork and the overall reduction of feedstuffs. (p. 69). Inaddition, the raising of the age of marriage for Poles was a transparentattempt to lower the Polish birthrate, and Winiewicz mentioned Hitler'sstatement, quoted by Hermann Rauschning, on "many ways to get undesirableraces to die out." (p. 93)(Please click on, and read the Peczkis reviewof, Voice of Destruction, The).
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