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political world

Polish undergroung and Jews 1939-1945

jan peczkis|Tuesday, August 4, 2015

The sophisticated reader who is looking for something new--a book that candidly addresses both sides of Polish-Jewish antagonisms--can stop right here. It does not. It continues the standard Jewish-wrongdoing-denialism approach. [My review is based on an online version, and the pagination used below does not correspond to the pagination of the printed version of this book.]

An Odd Chimera of Good/Poor Quality. Contextual Vacuum. Scholars Disregarded. Blatantly Selective Use and Avoidance of Evidence
To address and correct all the issues raised in this book would require its own book. I focus on a few of them.


The author provides more details on Polish suffering under German Nazi occupation than do many other Jewish authors. However, Zimmerman fails to internalize the implications of Polish suffering. He does not appreciate the crushing poverty and degrading circumstances faced by Poles, which, for example, drove some of them to hanker after post-Jewish property or to denounce fugitive Jews for a reward. Furthermore, Zimmerman's "fishing expedition", in Polish Underground documents, tendentiously culls certain "fish". Pole-against-Jew conduct is "caught" and highlighted, while Pole-against-Pole, Jew-against-Jew, and Jew-against-Pole conduct is "thrown back into the water".

Author Zimmerman distances himself from the most egregious Polonophobic accusations of some previous Jewish authors. He recognizes both positive and negative Polish attitudes towards Jews--for example in the many Polish Underground reports he cites. However, his over-800 pages of text are scrupulously sanitized of recognition of the fact that Jewish conduct played a role in Polish indifference and hostility against Jews. Worse yet, he shows open disregard--even contempt--for scholars whose views do not fit the "Jews can do no wrong" standard narrative. This is so blatant that it, in my opinion, borders on intellectual dishonesty.


Instead of intelligently telling the reader why he disagrees with their research findings, Zimmerman summarily dismisses historians Marek Jan Chodakiewicz, Marek Wierzbicki, and the late Tomasz Strzembosz, as "nationalist historians" or of the "nationalist school". (p. 39, 661). Evidently, to Zimmerman, this leftist and Holocaustspeak buzzword is supposed to make them, and their unwanted facts, smell bad and disappear down an Orwellian memory hole. [BTW, Chodakiewicz unambiguously repudiates the nationalist characterization.] Clearly, the author is engaging in poisoning-the-well tactics. And if Zimmerman must resort to characterizations, then why doesn't he identify himself for what he is--a Judeocentric scholar of the Holocaust Establishment? What is good for the goose is good for the gander.

But, wait. It is actually worse. Zimmerman relies uncritically on the assertions of Joanna Beata Michlic on these scholars. (p. 39). To begin with, what makes Zimmerman think that Michlic, in ANY case, is some kind of authority on--much less the final word on--this subject? As it turns out, Joanna B. Michlic presents no evidence in support of her flippant opinions of historians not to her liking. See, and read my detailed review, of Poland's Threatening Other: The Image of the Jew from 1880 to the Present.

Not surprisingly, Zimmerman sings an entirely different tune about those Polish (and half-Polish) authors who agree with him, and who support Jewish attacks on Poland. (e. g., Jan T. Gross, Jan Grabowski). He lauds them for being "path-breaking" (p. 177) and exhibiting "critical scholarship" (p. 39).

Having reviewed a number of earlier works by Zimmerman, I had thought better of him. Instead, his willful abandonment of the most elementary canons of objectivity can only cause the discerning reader to reasonably question Zimmerman's credibility. However, for purposes of this review, I assume that Zimmerman accurately quotes from works that I have not checked myself, and that he does not omit material facts from them.


The author consistently tells half the story. He repeats the endless complaint that Poles commonly did not see Jews as fellow Poles, or as part of the Polish nation. He avoids the fact that most Polish Jews didn't EITHER. For centuries, the Jews had lived in religious-based self-imposed apartheid. In time, Jewish religious-based separatism gave way to an even more aggressive and politicized self-imposed apartheid--based on the Yiddishist movement. When Poland was about to be resurrected (1918), Jews clamored, through the so-called Minorities Treaty, for the expansive special rights of effectively a separate nation on Polish soil, complete with government-funded Yiddish-language Jewish schools, their own judicial courts, their own representation in the Sejm (Polish parliament) as a bloc, etc. Other Jews became Zionists which--by definition--meant their loyalties were to another nation rather than Poland. As for the relatively few assimilated Jews, they had done so less in order to "become Poles" in some way, than in order to advance themselves in Polish society by escaping the enclave mentalities of both the "old ghetto" traditional Judaism and the "new ghetto" Yiddishist movement. In any case, few of Poland's Jews considered themselves Poles first and Jews second.

Zimmerman demonizes Endek calls for most Polish Jews to emigrate, leaving behind as little as 50,000 Jews in Poland. (p. 54). What he omits is the fact that many Jews ALSO thought that Poland had a "Jewish problem"--that Poland was vastly overcrowded with Jews, that the Polish economy could never support so many entrepreneur-oriented Jews, that Polish and Jewish ways were fundamentally and permanently incompatible with each other, and that the only lasting solution was for nearly all of Poland's Jews to emigrate. These included, but were hardly limited to, Zionists such as Vladimir Jabotinsky and Alfred Nossig.

Economic rivalry also had two sides, but the reader would never guess it by reading Zimmerman. As Poles began to encroach on the centuries-old Jewish economic privileges, Jews banded together to drive Polish newcomers out of business. The Poles then retaliated with boycotts, discriminatory policies (nowadays called affirmative action) against Jews, and sometimes violence.

Zimmerman exaggerates, and recycles old information about, violent anti-Jewish acts in pre-WWII Poland. (pp. 63-on). He is silent about the violence, by the militantly-Zionist Betar, against Pole-conciliatory Jews. More glaringly, Zimmerman omits the fact that, according to police reports, violent incidents by the ONR were dwarfed by violent incidents by Communists. See, and read my detailed English-language review, of Duch mlodych. Evidently, to Zimmerman, Polish ONR violence against Jews was a horrible thing never to be forgotten, but Communist violence (including Jewish Communist violence) against Poles (and anti-Communist Jews), which was much more common, was no big deal. It, too, can go down the Orwellian memory hole.


The selective attention to facts, exhibited so consistently by Zimmerman, extends to wartime situations. The author elaborates on the generally good relations between Jews and the ARMIA KRAJOWA (A. K.), in most regions of German-occupied Poland, with the glaring exception of the Nowogrodek area. Again, the author omits essential facts. Apart from animosities resulting from recent events surrounding Communism, there were older, deep-seated antagonisms going back many decades--to the time that the Nowogrodek area of Poland had been part of the Pale of Jewish Settlement in tsarist Russia. These Jews were Litvaks (Litwaks) and their descendants, and had a long history of extreme separatism, frequent Russophilia, and ingrained anti-Polonism. In addition, the overcrowding of Jews was far more extreme than anywhere else in Poland, and this had long exacerbated the tensions based on Polish-Jewish economic and political rivalries.

Zimmerman uncritically brings up Michal Cichy, and his accusations of the A. K. killing Jews during the Warsaw Uprising. He is deafeningly silent about contrary evidence. Please click on, and read my detailed review, of the following scholarly work: Paszkwil Wyborczej.

The author dusts off, and presents as gospel truth, the decades-old Communist propaganda about the NSZ being a Jew-hating and Jew-killing guerrilla organization. For corrective, please read the Sebastian Bojemski research article in the GOLDEN... booklink in the first comment.


Zimmerman cites a study (which I have read) on Jewish voting patterns in some 1920's Polish elections. These indicate that "only" 7% of Jews voted for the Communists (p. 421). From this, Zimmerman draws the completely non sequitur conclusion that Jewish support for Communism was minimal.

To begin with, Jewish support for Communism was hardly limited to electoral support for, or open identification with, overtly Communist movements--far from it! Various mainstream Jewish political parties and movements were ALSO infected with Communism to varying degrees, usually in muted or disguised ways. These included Jewish socialist parties, the Hashomer Hatzair, the Poalei Zion, and the Bund.

In addition, Jews commonly switched loyalties to whoever coincided with their immediate interests, or whoever was the stronger. After Poland was Partitioned, Poland's Jews generally supported the empires that ruled over Poland, and few Jews backed Polish national aspirations. By the 1920's, with the resurrected Polish state a fait accompli, and Poland having recently (1920) defeated the Soviet Union, the Polish nation had unambiguously emerged as the stronger. For this reason, it is hardly surprising that relatively few Jews openly supported Communism in the 1920's. In 1939, with Poland on the ropes and the USSR the stronger, it was a different story. [See first comment.]

Finally, why waste one's vote on a party that had no chance of winning? Surely the Jews knew that Communists hardly ever come to power through free elections, least of all likely in Poland. They come to power by force. To help make Poland Communist, it is best to wait for renewed Soviet aggression, and then become actively pro-Communist.


Zimmerman glosses over the Jewish fifth-column activity on behalf of the Soviet invaders of eastern Poland in 1939. (e. g, p. 150, 165). These did not exclude murderous acts against Poles. For more, see the first comment. Do you need still more evidence? Then read the detailed, free, online book: "A TANGLED WEB: POLISH-JEWISH RELATIONS" by Mark Paul.

Now consider the situation under the German occupation of Poland:

The reader should remember that, during times of war, banditry is commonly a capital crime. Zimmerman exhibits an openly “Jewish suffering is special” or even “Jews are special” attitude as he complains that Polish Underground reports on Jewish banditry did not, in his opinion, show sympathy to the plight of fugitive Jews. Excuse me. Polish peasants suffered too. They could be murdered at any time, at will, by the Germans. They lived in near-starvation conditions under the Nazi German occupation, and were furthermore subject to constant requisition of goods by the German authorities, Soviet bands, etc. What is Zimmerman thinking? Were the peasants, and the Polish Underground, supposed to take kindly to banditry—by ANYONE?

Although Zimmerman repeatedly tries to pooh-pooh the fact of Jewish banditry against Polish villagers, done by Jews independently and as part of the intentional trauma-causing policy of "revolutionary banditry" conducted by the Communist GL-AL bands (which was designed to terrorize the Polish population into submission to the upcoming Soviet-imposed Communist puppet government), it was substantial. Apropos to this, the author mentions the TAJNE OBLICZE book for a trivial reason (p. 661), but chooses to run away from it, completely ignoring its detailed archive-based findings on the magnitude of Jewish banditry and collaboration with the Communist GL-AL. [For link, see first comment.]

Not surprisingly, Zimmerman is silent about the large-scale Jewish-Soviet collaboration in the wholesale massacres of Polish civilians in villages such as Naliboki and Koniuchy. For the truth, please click on, and read, my detailed review of Intermarium: The Land between the Black and Baltic Seas: 0.

Let us put all this in broader context. Consider the Zydokomuna (Judeo-Bolshevism), a term which Zimmerman regularly brings up, but would prefer that the reader not think about. The considerable extent of Jewish complicity in the murderous Soviet Communist apparatus is an inescapable fact. The extensive Jewish involvement, in all phases of the Soviet subjugation of Poland, is also undeniable. For details, see the first comment. And let us hear no silly exculpations about Jewish Communists not being real Jews, about Jewish Communists "not acting as Jews", or Jews not knowing what Communism really was. They most certainly were, they could not turn their Judaism on and off and on again like water from a tap, and they most certainly did.

We also keep hearing that, relative to the total Jewish population, few Jews were Communists. This is a facile argument, as it goes both ways. There is no doubt that, relative to the entire Polish population, few Poles were involved in the denunciation or murder of fugitive Jews, but this does not prevent Zimmerman, and innumerable other Jewish authors, from constantly making an issue of them, and for calling on Poles as a whole to "come to terms with the past". So let's hold Jews to the same standard.

What about innocent Jews being blamed for Communism? Innocent victims fell on both sides. During the Holocaust itself, millions of Jews, most of whom had nothing to do with Communism, were being put to death. Earlier, however, millions of non-Jews, most of whom had never done anything to Jews, had been put to death, in large part thanks to the deliberate acts of Jewish Communists.


The author tries to make something of the fact that some Poles had reckoned Berling a Jew (p. 636), that historian Marek Jan Chodakiewicz does also (p. 661), and that Berling had once been baptized. In doing so, Zimmerman misrepresents Chodakiewicz. The latter takes no position on the Jewishness or otherwise of Zygmunt Berling. Historian Marek Jan Chodakiewicz simply cites a work that mentions the fact that Berling had identified himself as Jewish while at Jagiellonian University in Krakow.

Pointedly, however, the issue is even more basic. Jews have no problem identifying baptized Jews, as Jews, if it serves their purposes. For example, think of famous poet and writer Heinrich Heine, and Karl Marx. In fact, Jewish authors commonly write of Karl Marx--alongside Sigmund Freud and Albert Einstein--as the three most influential 19th- and 20th-century Jewish thinkers. Now, if Jews can recognize baptized Jews, as Jews, as they see fit, then surely Poles can do likewise. Either that, or we have yet another double standard.
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