"It's difficult to admit the obvious"
political world


jan peczkis|Tuesday, January 24, 2017

THE INTERNAL SECURITY CORPS AND THE "CURSED SOLDIERS" is the title of this Polish-language work. However, it is about more than the Communist security forces and their repression of the Polish freedom-fighting guerrillas (ZOLNIERZE WYKLECI). It includes much politics, and has a comprehensive index of names that are mentioned. Owing to the large number of topics presented, I discuss only a few of them.

Korpus Bezpieczenstwa Wewnetrznego a Zolnierze Wykleci (Hardcover)

Some 21,000 Poles had been murdered or allowed to die in Communist prisons (p. 450), but it is unclear to what time period this figure refers to. As for concentration camps and work camps, some 25,000 to 60,000 Poles fell victim, and that only before 1950. (p. 450).

Between January 1945 and August 1946, some 47,000 Poles had been arrested, yet this was only the beginning. During 1945-1956, between 150,000 and 200,000 (even 250,000: p. 811) Poles had passed through Communist prisons and concentration camps. (p. 450).


Neo-Stalinist Jan T. Gross has tried to make a profound issue of the fact that Poles sometimes stole from Jews and acquired post-Jewish property. Actually, this is a completely unremarkable outcome of war and its aftermath. Properties of former owners effortlessly pass on to new owners. For instance, Poles regularly looted the post-German churches in the Recovered Territories. (p. 256).

Kowalski brings up the looting at the site of Treblinka. This had included the setting off of explosive charges in order to dig a hole and thereby facilitate the search for buried valuables. He considers this as an event conducted by uncertain perpetrators. (p. 472). [However, the facts are not what matters to the western press. What matters is a good anti-Polish Jewish-victimization story.]

The biggest looters, after the Germans, were the Soviets. They sacked 1.5 billion zlotys (375 million dollars) worth of Polish property, and that was only in central and postwar-eastern Poland, and then only between July 1944 through mid-June 1946. (p. 146; See also p. 110).

One shortcoming of the author is that he takes a somewhat uncritical view of Jewish claims regarding the so-called Kielce Pogrom, and the postwar killings of Jews. He even lapses into a literally breast-beating Polish attitude towards Jews. (p. 490).


Ironic to frequent complaints about Jews being driven out of their (privileged) positions during the events of 1968, Communist Jews had earlier tried to limit the influence of gentile Communists. Kowalski points out that, in 1944, the Jewish Communists attempted to achieve dominance over the “peeperowcy” (the Poles in the PPR, the so-called Polish Worker’s Party: pp. 111-112). [Evidently, in 1968, the Jewish Communists finally got a taste of their own medicine.]

Now consider the Referendum of 1946, and the sham elections, in January 1947, that officially brought the Communists to power. Stalin’s specialist group, which came to Poland in order to engineer the falsification of the elections, was led by Aron Palkin and Siemon Dawidow [Semyon Davidov]. (p. 467, 511). [Both were Jews.]

The massive overabundance of Jews at the highest levels of the Soviet-installed Communist government is well known. However, Jewish influence was greater than just the numbers of influential Jews. This owed to the high intelligence of many Jews, as well as their unusual hatred of Polish-ness. Permit two examples. Jakub Berman [who had made Stalin his god] played an exceptionally active role in Internal Security, and closely followed all the interrogations and trials of opponents of the Communist government. (p. 252). Anatol Fejgin [Feigin], said, “In order for Communism to be victorious in Poland, it is necessarily to kill the Poles’ sense of pride in their nation, and to put Polish patriotism before the firing squad.” (p. 209). [Feigin’s Jewish successors, in the present-day neo-Stalinist and Holocaust establishments, are continuing the war against Poland’s historical memory and against Poland’s patriotic traditions.]

The author cites Krzysztof Szwagrzyk’s study on the leadership of the U. B. (BEZPIEKA), the hated Communist security forces. 37% of its leadership had declared themselves Jewish. (However, this does not include the crypto-Jews, who likely misrepresented themselves as Poles). In any case, once the Ukrainian and Belarussian leaders are included, it turns out that only a minority of the leadership of the “Polish” Communist security forces was ethnically Polish. (p. 114).

Solomon Morel was an exceptionally cruel commander of a Communist camp (1949-1951). As Communism in Poland was falling, Morel fled to Israel, and was welcomed there. (p. 449). [So much for the silly exculpatory myth that Jewish Communists are “not really Jews".] Morel continued to be given a Polish pension [Why???] and the State of Israel refused to let him be extradited to face justice for his crimes against Poles.

In contrast to the high levels of education of the ZYDOKOMUNA, gentile Polish Communists commonly were ruffians—hence the epithet CHAMOKOMUNA. For instance, at least in some places, 40% of the candidates for the KBW (KORPUS BEZPIECZENSTWA WEWNETRZNEGO) had at least two spelling errors on their application. (p. 350). For some time, the KBW was plagued by a high desertion rate (p. 239), until draconian steps were taken to stop this. As late as 1949 or later, some parts of the KBW were incompetent in their fight against the Polish freedom-fighters. (p. 671).


Author Kowalski estimates that, in 1945, some 200,000 Poles were involved in the fight for freedom against the impending imposition of the Soviet Communist puppet government, of which about 20,000 were guerillas in the forests. (p. 754). Eventually, the Polish anti-Communist movement became the largest of its kind in post-WWII Europe. (p. 811).

As Polish guerillas fell to Communist bullets or arrest, or gave up in the face of “amnesties”, new Poles took up arms to fight the Soviet satraps. Some Polish guerillas fought for years or decades after the last glimmer of hope, for a free Poland, had passed. These “Last of the Mohicans”, as Kowalski calls them (pp. 800-801), were, according to location and time of death, as follows: Marian Borys “Czarny” (Bialystok area, August 1954); Stanislaw Kielocha (Kielce area, May 1954); NSZ-unit Kazimierz Dyksinski “Kruczek” (Warsaw area, June 1954); Stanislaw Marchewka “Ryba” (Bialystok area, March 1957); Andrzej Kiszka “Dab” (Lublin area, December 1961); and Jozef Franczak “Lalek” (Lublin area, October 1963).
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