"It's difficult to admit the obvious"
political world


jan peczkis|Tuesday, March 1, 2016

THE RED POISON is the title of this Polish-language anthology. Author Leszek Zebrowski is a historian, and has been studying the relevant subjects for many years.

Because there are many topics brought up, I focus on a few issues.


Zebrowski points out that the Communists imposed several thousand death sentences on Poles, almost all of which were carried out. Up to 100,000 Poles were murdered during interrogations, pacifications, and police actions. (p. 160). Another 200,000, or more, received prison sentences.


Author Zebrowski points out that the archival information about the Jedwabne massacre had been cleaned of evidences implicating the Germans for the crime. (p. 58). As evidence, he cites his own experiences with the archives and that of the late Father Edward Orlowski, a very learned man. In a personal communication, Zebrowski has informed me that the ZIH (Jewish Historical Institute: ZYDOWSKI INSTYTUT HISTORYCZNY) had falsified documents ever since the end of the war. For instance, there are several versions of Wasersztajn’s statements in existence. (This is apart from the fact that even the IPN admitted that Wasersztajn was not an eyewitness to the events: p. 77).

Leon Kieres, who headed the IPN (INSTITUT PAMIECI NARODOWEJ) Commission, would have us believe that he had considered all the available sources available. He most certainly did not. He ignored the work of Waldemar Macholl, the HAUPSTURMFUHRER of the Bialystok SS. He also omitted the testimony of Rivka Kajzer, a Jewish eyewitness, who saw the Germans commit the crime with the assistance of local peasants. (p. 76).

The 1949 trials have massive problems. Why were the two Jewish witnesses--those who had most strongly accused the Poles--been exempted from cross-examination? How can anyone say, with a straight face, that there was no Communist interference in the trials, when Jewish super Communist Jakub Berman, one of the top three members of the Soviet-imposed Communist puppet government, put pressure on such courts to get convictions of defendants? (p. 53).

Andrzej Rzeplinski of the investigative IPN said that, in his opinion, the Jedwabne defendants had not been beaten. In contrast, Zebrowski provides much evidence that the accused were in fact beaten. (p. 66). Rzeplinski’s statements are not surprising. He had been a long-term member of the PZPR (Polish Communist Party). [Zebrowski, personal communication.]

On a related Polish-bashing subject, none of the actual perpetrators of the 1946 Kielce Pogrom have been identified. (p. 28).


Feliks Tych, the son-in-law of super-Communist Jakub Berman, was a Communist theoretician during the years of the PRL. Afterwards, he was the Director of the ZIH (Jewish Historical Institute) until his death in 2015.

After the (nominal) fall of Communism in 1989, Feliks Tych tried to whitewash Communist Rosa Luxemburg. Lenin had called her “the Eagle of the Revolution”. Unlike Lenin, Luxemburg had opposed the restoration of any Polish state. She was an advocate of world Revolution, and she perished in 1919 during the attempted Communist takeover of Germany. Tych tries to brush off all these inconvenient facts, and insists that Poles should still honor her because, after all, she was an “idealist”. (pp. 248-249). [A similar line of reasoning was used by some American Jews to try to whitewash Jewish Communists, such as those that fought on the Communist side in the Spanish Civil War, and in the case of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg.]


Long-term Communist Stefan (Shmuel) Krakowski had described a Communist GL-AL attack, at Drzewica, led by Izrael Ajzenman-Kaniewski “Lew” “Julek”, on the German police. (p. 132). In actually, it was a murderous attack on a group of Polish civilians. (p. 131).

That is not all. After WWII, Izrael Ajzenman lived a comfortable life in Soviet-ruled Communist Poland. (p. 141).


During and after the 1939 war, Jews who collaborated with the Soviets destroyed Polish religious and national monuments at Zambrow. In early 1940, a band of Jewish Communists entered and desecrated a church at Worochta. A group of Catholics fought back, severely wounding six of the Jewish attackers. (p. 248).

Leszek Zebrowski discusses Jewish complicity in the mass murder of Poles at Koniuchy, Swinska Wola, and Naliboki. (p. 29). If 1/3rd of the attackers on Koniuchy were Jews, then Jews must assume 1/3rd of the responsible for the murdered Poles. (p. 38).


The author describes the litany of accusations against Poland. For instance, Alina Cala would have us believe that, in a sense, Poles are guilty of the Holocaust. (p. 284). Some Catholic clergy have echoed Jewish accusations against the Catholic Church. Germans have tended to de-Germanize the Nazis, and have invented a nonexistent “Holocaust of Germans” (VERTRIEBENE: expellees) to blame on the Poles.

In his introduction to this book, Stanislaw Michalkiewicz points out that, in 1988, German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder had announced the “end of German contrition”. (p. 10). No wonder that Poland has been recruited as an alternate target for the Holocaust Industry.


Author Zebrowski describes Israeli student visits to Poland, and how they are inculcated with hatred towards Poland. (p. 220). This fact is recognized by some Jewish authors, and can be greatly expanded. For instance, please click on, and read my detailed review, of Above the Death Pits, Beneath the Flag: Youth Voyages to Poland and the Performance of Israeli National Identity.


Leszek Zebrowski challenges the notion that there were no Jews in the NSZ, and cites the memoir of Pisarewski-Perry to illustrate the contrary. Of course, those who joined the NSZ were generally required to bring their own weaponry, and few Jews had their own weaponry. For this reason, few Jews were eligible to join. (p. 249).

On another subject, some authors have suggested that 30% of Polish citizens deported to Siberia, in 1939-1941, were Jews. Leszek Zebrowski cites various local tallies that are much, much smaller. They point to a considerably lower overall percentage of Jews among the deportees from the Kresy. (p. 249).
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