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Esau's Tears: Modern Anti-Semitism and the Rise of the Jews;Especially Valuable in Understanding Jews in Soviet Communism, Whose Significance Went Far Beyond Their Numbers,

jan peczkis|Wednesday, July 12, 2017

This work is richly filled with facts. I focus on distinctive information. Other reviewers have already informed the reader about the overall content of this book, and I do not repeat them.

This book is especially good in tracing the Jewish involvement in Italian Fascism. (e. g, p. 368). It was quite significant.


Lindemann details the proto-racist views that go back to antiquity, “But just as Christianity may be said to offer support only in vague, often contradictory ways to modern anti-Semitism, so these broader Judaic sources, partly incorporated into Christianity but in part uniquely Jewish, contributed in vague, often contradictory ways to modern racism, especially to its concern with racial exclusiveness and purity.” (p. 74).


The author continues, “Yiddish-speaking Jews distinguished between Gentile KOYEKH (brutish, physical power) and Jewish MOYEKH (brains, guile, mental subtlety), a distinction related to those identified with Esau and Jacob. Non-Jews throughout most of recorded European history seem to have been impressed with a peculiar Jewish sharpness of intellect, a cleverness and cunning that baptism could not alter. In the Spanish Inquisition, these various perceptions of an unchanging Jewish essence, even after conversion, found expression in the concept of LIMPIEZA DE SANGRE (cleanness or purity of blood). Jews who converted were still suspect; they retained impure blood that put their conversion into question. For centuries afterwards, the Jesuit order established restrictions against candidates with Jewish ancestry, or impure blood. The Jesuits thus came up with a Christian equivalent of the prohibitions among Jews that sought to preserve the untainted lineage of the KOHANIM. However, the Jesuits’ preoccupation with racial purity were not quite so categorical as those of the Jews; exceptions were frequently granted by Catholic authorities in a way simply not permitted by halakha.” (p. 75).


I now focus on tsarist Russia after about 1905:


Lindemann remarks, “The number of Jews involved in the terror and counterterror of this period is striking. In the decade or so immediately before 1914 many tsarist officials, including the highest ministries of the tsar, had been killed by Jewish assassins. Aside from Kaplan and Kanegiesser, Jacob Blumkin, again a Jewish member of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, assassinated Count Mirbach, the German ambassador to Moscow, on July 6, 1918, in hopes of stirring up the war again between Germany and Russia. Before 1917, the large number of Jewish assassins could be plausibly attributed to the anti-Semitic oppression of the tsarist regime. But such explanations fall short in the case of assassins like Kaplan, Kanegiesser, and Blumkin. These many Jewish terrorists helped to nurture, even when they killed Jewish Chekists, the belief that Jews, especially once they had broken from the confines of their traditional faith, turned naturally to fanaticism and anarchic destructiveness.” (p. 446).


We keep hearing that Jews at no time constituted a majority of the leadership in Communism. This is technically true, but it does not tell the whole story. To begin with, Jewish Communists were noted for their high intelligence, verbal skills, assertiveness, ideological fervor, etc. (p. 429).

Not surprisingly, few non-Jewish Communist leaders approached the caliber of the Jewish Communist leaders. For example, Lindemann reminds us that, “Jewish or gentilized, Trotsky was a man of unusual talents.” (p. 447). In addition, “Trotsky’s paramount role in the revolution cannot be denied…” (p. 448). This can be generalized, “Other non-Jews might be mentioned but almost certainly do not quite measure up to Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Yoffe, Sverdlov, Uritsky, or Radek in visibility inside Russia and abroad, especially not in the crucial years from 1917 to 1921.” (p. 432).

Finally, influential Jews did not have to act alone. In fact, Jews had the skill of influencing non-Jews to think in Jewish ways. Lenin can validly be understood as a “Jewified gentile” (pp. 432-433). The same can be said for the renegade-Pole Dzerzhinsky (p. 442, 446), as well as the Russian Kalinin, who was called by Jewish Bolsheviks “more Jewish than the Jews”. (p. 433).

Let us focus on "Bloody Felek" (KRWAWY FELIKS)--Feliks Dzierzynski (Dzerzhinsky). He always had close relationships with Jews, beginning with his youthful activities with the Jewish Bund and his involvement with the alienated Jewish intelligentsia among the Polish social democrats. (p. 442). [This has led to not-well-supported theories that Dzierzhinsky was himself Jewish. One idea is that the original Dzierzhinsky was a Polish nobleman whose entire family had been deprived of their estate, and dispatched to Siberia, by the tsarist Russian authorities, in retaliation for their support for the ill-fated January 1863 Insurrection. A certain Jew acquired the estate and, in what nowadays is called identity theft, appropriated the name Dzierzhinsky for himself, and eventually became the infamous Cheka leader.]

In any case, the Jewish influence on Dzierzhinsky/Dzierzynski is unmistakable. If anything, it is understated by Lindemann. See my review of THE CHEKA, by Leggett.


Lindemann comments, “Jacob Schiff was allegedly involved in the decision to overthrow the tsar, a charge, as we have seen, had more than a little plausibility since he had fed large amounts of money to revolutionaries in Russia and openly boasted about his role in combating the tsar.” (p. 435).


The Communist secret police was the heart of Communist terror. Lindemann comments, “In some areas, for example, the Ukraine, the Cheka leadership was overwhelmingly Jewish. By early 1919 Cheka organizations in Kiev were 75 percent Jewish…Given the high proportion of Jews in revolutionary movement and their generally higher educational levels, it is not surprising that many of them turned to intelligence activity, at least to its upper ranks. (Lower-level Cheka functionaries, those most directly involved in the actual arrests, tortures, and killings, were known to be less educated; some were even illiterate.)” (p. 443).

The author adds that, “In a Politburo meeting in April 1919 Trotsky commented that ‘the Latvians and Jews constituted a vast percentage of those employed in the Cheka…’” (p. 444).

No wonder that Jews were recognized as the “brains” and the driving force behind Communism. In addition, the distinction between the educated Jewish leadership and “boorish” foot soldiers of the Communist security forces paralleled that of the later (1944-on) Soviet-imposed Communist puppet government, and called the ZYDOKOMUNA and CHAMOKOMUNA.

The Jewish leadership of the Communist security forces was no fluke or fad. Lindemann quips, “It is instructive that the high percentage of Jews in the secret police continued well into the 1930s, when the proportion of Jews gradually diminished in most other areas of the Soviet and party cadres.” (p. 443).

The author points out that the leadership of the Cheka became part of the privileged Communist overclass (p. 443) (later known as the NOMENKLATURA). Its members were exempt from military service, had access to uninterrupted food supplies, and enjoyed various luxuries. For instance, “Top Cheka officials were among the narrow elite that was entitled to motor cars and other perquisites.” (p. 443).
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